By Stanford G. Mukasa
The news coming out of Zimbabwe points
to a rapidly deteriorating situation and an escalation of State- sponsored
violence against unarmed civilians.
Zimbabwe has become a textbook case of
everything that has gone wrong. What was once a robust and promising post-
independence democracy and economy now lies in tatters. Zimbabwe is now a
country of informal traders where individuals sell whatever they can to make
a living. The strong central engine of economic growth and development, a
tripartite structure of commercial agriculture, manufacturing and mining all
of which collectively contributed the bulk of the country’s wealth has all
but collapsed.
So desperate, so chaotic, so pathetic
is the situation now that most middle class Zimbabweans who built their
wealth on the robust economy of the formative years of Zimbabwe’s
independence have been reduced to a destitute life.
It must be heart rending to read of
former teachers, nurses, accountants, and even businesspeople, who are in
exile and are now doing cleaning and other menial jobs in order to survive.
Ironically, many rural people have
managed to survive even as their conditions deteriorate. They had built
strategies for resilience right from the early days of independence because
they were traditionally on the periphery of any development plans. Most post
colonial regimes focused their investments in the urban areas – building
prestigious structures like towering mansions and hotels, modern airports,
expensive cars and imported consumer goods, all of which served , at the end
of the day, mostly the interests of a few wealthy people.
The Robert Mugabe regime has now
abandoned any pretence to governing in the interest of the masses. The
83-year-old geriatric Mugabe, whose father, Matibili, came from Malawi, has
used all the tricks and chicanery to maintain his rule.
A self proclaimed Hitler ten-fold,
Mugabe has demonstrated no intention to allow for a peaceful transition to
democracy in Zimbabwe. It, therefore, should come as no surprise that Mugabe
has openly and unashamedly not only loudly praised the barbaric and savage
assaults on the opposition by his thugs but he has encouraged the thugs to
do even more. He has also used taxpayers’ money to reward the thugs and
promote them into higher ranks of the police, army and CIO.
The uncomfortable truth here is that
Zimbabwean taxpayers are footing the very expensive bill of their oppression
and savage assaults. This was what the British colonialists did – charging
the blacks the so called hut taxes for their colonization and
administration.
The severity of Mugabe’s barbarism
boggles one’s mind, considering the fact that he is doing this almost
unchallenged in any significant way. Mugabe has virtually reduced Zimbabwe
to a situation that, quite frankly, makes the twin evils of Ian Smith’s
Rhodesia and apartheid South Africa come in second place. With a few
exceptions, whites who opposed either the Smith regime or apartheid were
denied their rights to vote or to campaign freely. As a matter of fact,
while the blacks were denied their democratic rights most whites who opposed
Ian Smith and the apartheid regime enjoyed unprecedented freedoms without
being savagely assaulted as is the case in Zimbabwe today.
A major question is what will it take
to get Zimbabweans to participate in a civil protest? Haven’t Zimbabweans
been pushed against the wall, have they not been humiliated enough, and have
they not been assaulted, tortured enough to be able to react?
True, there have been protests and
strikes. And at the beginning of this year it seemed like Zimbabweans would
sustain a prolonged series of protests. But the early enthusiasm and show of
energy has fizzled into sporadic hit and run incidents.
What is probably wearing Mugabe down
is, as Sekayi Holland once put it, people’s resilience, or the fact that
neither the MDC, the opposition movement nor the people of Zimbabwe have
disappeared after all that harsh oppressive rule.
There is both a historical and
contemporary precedence to this. The geopolitical map of the world is
littered with mass protests - some violent others peaceful – that have seen
masses rise and confront their oppressors. What has not been analytically
and thoroughly discussed is how Zimbabweans can stage the kind of civil
protest that will go a long way in reclaiming their country from the
clutches of the dictator Mugabe.
Many people easily throw up their arms
and argue that mass action is impossible in Zimbabwe, and that the Mugabe
regime is too brutal, and willing and able to use the instruments of
violence. This is a defeatist argument. It feeds and nurtures the fear
factor among Zimbabweans.
There are essentially three strategies
to confront Mugabe.
One is to stage a guerrilla struggle
which would involve the use of guns and acts of sabotage. Another is to do
nothing but sit by the rivers of Babylon and weep and prayerful hope that
things will change somehow. These are two extreme positions. Neither is, for
a variety of reasons, acceptable. There is, however, another strategy of
peaceful protest. This strategy relies on the strength of numbers.
If people pour in literally hundreds of
thousands they can overwhelm Mugabe’s police and thugs. Mugabe’s hit men are
human beings who are conscious of what can happen to them in a confrontation
with thousands of protesting people.
Some people will argue that it is
impossible to bring thousands of Zimbabweans into the streets. But very few
people have ever asked the question: What can we do to bring thousands of
people into the streets for a mass demonstration. Other people will argue
that attempts have been made in the past to do exactly that - but without
success.
The strategy for mass protest must be
placed in the context of a process, not necessarily an end itself. The
process is dynamic and long-term in the sense that it is constantly being
monitored and evaluated and waged over a long period of time.
A key formula for mass action is the
Zimbabweans must convince Mugabe that they have the motive, the means and
intention to stage mass action. Half the job has already been done for them
by Mugabe’s military and intelligence chiefs who, in a leaked memo, advised
Mugabe that Zimbabweans can wage a successful mass protest and overthrow
him.
This means Mugabe is aware that
Zimbabweans have the motive to, and can overwhelm him in mass confrontation.
What Mugabe is not sure of is whether Zimbabweans have the intention to do
so. Power in any form is based on convincing your enemy you have not only
the motive, capacity but intention to exercise it. It may well be that
Mugabe believes people are too afraid to use their power of mass action.
The role of the opposition leadership
is to show Mugabe that the people have the intention to stage mass
demonstrations. Discussions among the opposition leaders should focus on
what went wrong with previous attempts at mass action and what new
strategies or approaches can be put in place, at least, to harness this
power of mass action.
Mugabe and ZANUPF may appear
invincible. But they are all apprehensive that the geopolitical environment
does not augur well for them. Inflation is spiraling out of control and
estimated to reach 3,000 percent before the end of the year. The so-called
Look East policy has not brought any radical improvements to the economy.
Mugabe knows only too well that the seeds of a people’s revolution have been
planted and are probably germinating right now.
It was undoubtedly against this
background that the so-called factions within ZANUPF reportedly kissed and
made up last week, and agreed to field Mugabe as their sole presidential
candidate for the next elections.
These so called factions were aware
they were all in the same predicament – they are going to face equally the
consequences of their criminal acts.
It was, therefore, not in their
interest to fight among each other but to cooperate, just like two criminals
on the sinking Titanic would rather cooperate than fight for the loot they
stole.
The keyword here is Zimbabwe is a
sinking Titanic. There is no escape for the criminals. The best they can at
this moment is to postpone their internal difference and fights, and to help
each other out of this disaster.
There can be no better time than now
for the opposition to plan their next move towards civil action against the
Mugabe regime. Such plans can come in many forms.
One plan would be to mobilize regional
and international support , not just from governments, but also from civil
society groups. The other would be internal and involves looking at the wide
variety of strategies that can be used as part of the civil disobedience
campaign that would lead to mass action.
In today’s Letter from America Dr.
Stan Mukasa argues for the revival of the strategy for mass action as the
only effective and non violent confrontation with the increasingly brutal
Mugabe regime.