Zimbabwe Information Center in North America

A project of the North American Coalition for a Free Zimbabwe (NACFREEZ)

Letter from America  By Stanford G. Mukasa is a weekly commentary on issues and events in Zimbabwe
HOME

 

By Stanford G. Mukasa

Letter from America

March 5, 2007

 

Mugabe's futile attempts to control in information in Zimbabwe

Letter from America
Human Rights Watch

Short Wave Radio Africa

Zimsite

Zimbabwean

Independent

Zimbabwe Times

Standard

BBC

ZimbDaily

VOA

Kubatana

ChangeZim

GoZimbabwe

ZimNews

ZimOnline

ZimDiaspora

ZimSituation

MDC

  The deputy information minister, Bright Matonga, made a rare admission that  the Mugabe regime has been jamming external radio broadcasts, notably, SWRA and  Studio 7.  Not long ago there were reports of  vendors for The  Zimbabwean being harassed for selling the  paper which is published outside but sold inside Zimbabwe.

 This was, in reality, an admission of ignorance by the  not-so-bright minister about  the dynamics of information, the mass media and society in today’s Zimbabwe.  For some reason he thinks he can effectively control the flow of information to the extent of  turning all citizens into  fanatic supporters of  ZANUPF.

 This  kind of ignorance has  a parallel to the lopsided monetary policies of  Mugabe who, despite the reports he has a degree in economics, believes financial and economic  problems in the country can simplistically be solved by printing more money!

It would appear Mugabe is a top grade student of  former Uganda’s dictator, Idi Amin, who routinely printed more money and beat his own chest while proclaiming himself the greatest economist in the world!

 And following along the tracks  is Matonga!

 Information ministries have traditionally been used by dictatorial regimes  to  perpetuate their power.

 Mugabe’s dream by day and night is to  deny or restrict  Zimbabweans not only thelr freedom of expression and the press but also  access to critical information they need to make informed decisions and  judgments about issues that affect them.

By  force feeding Zimbabweans a regular diet  of   one-sided diatribes of information from the state media  the Mugabe regime hopes to eventually  get the masses to support  the dictator. 

 

There is a historic precedent to this.

 Over 60 years ago, Hitler’s  propaganda minister, Paul Joseph Goebbels, believed that people would eventually believe a lie if it was told often enough.

 In Zimbabwe Goebbels found a dedicated disciple in the name of  former information minister, Jonathan Moyo, who at one time reportedly ordered the replay every five minutes on ZBC/ZBH of a mindless musical  propaganda, sendereka mwa wevhu, a glib reference to some imagined prosperity arising from the land seizures.

 Moyo’s hope and illusive dream was Zimbabweans would be forced by this propaganda into supporting Mugabe’s  disastrous land invasions.

 What Matonga and Moyo may not have been, or chose not to be , aware of was the fact that people are a lot more sophisticated and not always easily manipulated by  propaganda.

 Former US president, Abraham Lincoln, once said you can fool some people all the time, you can fool people some of the time, but you cannot fool all people all the time.

 During the colonial times  Ian Smith  also suppressed the independent press like the tremendously popular  Daily New and distributed the African Times  as a government propaganda publication.

Smith’s information department  also produced the program Padare/Enkundleni.  The Goebbelian  idea was the same – to get Africans to accept Smith’s  UDI government.

 The Zimbabweans’ experiences with the media show a consistent pattern of rejecting or not lending credibility to propaganda. Smith’s propaganda may have fooled some Zimbabweans all the time, notably the chiefs. But it did not fool all Zimbabweans all the time. This was consistently shown by the mass rejection of the several  attempts by the Smith regime  for public acceptance of  the Pearce Commission proposal to resolve the  political  dispute back in 1972.

 During Mugabe’s reign the  state controlled media’s propaganda was unleashed on the people of Matabeleland in the aftermath of the  Fifth Brigade genocide that killed thousands of innocent civilians.

By 1985, and in widely published speeches, Enos Nkala, then a defense minister in Mugabe’s regime, was ready to proclaim that the  people of Matabeleland had now  realized “the futility of  supporting dissidents and rallied firmly behind ZANUPF.” He predicted that the  1985 elections would see a landslide victory for ZANUPF for the first time in Matabeleland.

 The opposite was the truth.

ZANUPF suffered a massive defeat in Matabeleland.  The former ZAPU candidates, whose coverage in the mass media fell far behind their ZANUPF counterparts,  massively won the elections. The level and extent of the media coverage of ZAPU candidates was largely due to the efforts of a few courageous journalists in the state media who, against all pressures from the Mugabe regime to give minimum coverage of the opposition parties, stuck their necks out to maintain their professionalism.

 What the Mugabe regime and its predecessors have not  sunk into their minds is the fact that people will not believe  the media that  do not tell the truth about their predicament.

 When people read newspapers, listen to radio or watch TV they compare in their minds what is being written or broadcast with what is happening in their lives. If there is a yawning gap people will  not believe the media.

Worse still, people’s credibility in the state media will  sink even lower when the regime tries to suppress freedom of the press as is happening in Zimbabwe. There is always the  question at the back of people’s minds about why the government is suppressing free speech.

 Mugabe’s treatment of  the independent press is a carbon copy of the way Smith  suppressed the  independent media  in colonial Zimbabwe.

Zimbabweans  have traditionally shunned the state owned or controlled media. In colonial Zimbabwe  many of them turned to the  radio broadcasts from outside the country in neighboring countries.  Smith reacted by  phasing out short wave radios and introduced  FM radios that restricted people’s ability to access external broadcasts.

 The same situation exists today where Zimbabweans are turning to external broadcasts like  SWRA and  Studio 7.  And, just like Smith, Mugabe  now jams external broadcasts.

As a result, Zimbabweans now see Mugabe as the black version of Smith. They see any information and news from state media as a gross distortion of their reality.

 Most Zimbabweans have now alienated the state media, as evidenced by the low circulation figures.

In contrast , when the independent Daily News was started in 1999 its daily circulation figures skyrocketed in a short space of time to over 115,000, making it not only the largest selling paper but by far the most popular paper in the country.

 The then editor used to enjoy what other editors could only dream of – a circulation that  could not meet the demand for the paper!  The Daily News became part of the ordinary people’s discourse or conversation and  information network  because it reflected the reality of oppression that people were experiencing. 

 But  the biggest challenge for Mugabe today is the information revolution that is way beyond his control.  Whether by  design or accident Zimbabwe is now part of the information society where  information access  through other means than the traditional mass media is increasingly becoming universal.   One needs only a computer and  an internet connection to get more  information  than Mugabe will ever be able to censor.

 In addition,  text messages and information can be  directly deposited into  people’s cell phones. Information can also come through satellite broadcasting which is also beyond the control of Mugabe. There was a time Mugabe wanted to regulate the sale and use of satellite dishes in Zimbabwe – only to discover it was a lost cause.

Of course  access to the Internet and  cell phones is  essentially a privilege of  a small percentage of the country’s population. But that group  is growing and many of them with access to the Internet can  potentially be influential in challenging Mugabe’s reign of terror.

The  vast majority of the masses, most of whom may not have regular, if any, access to the mass media, have their  information networks through which they  discuss critical  issues affecting their lives.

The mass media, therefore, are not central to the information and communication patterns among the majority of the people.  This explains why  both Smith and Mugabe, despite their iron heel control or influence of the media, have never  enjoyed the majority support from the people of Zimbabwe.

Zimbabweans get the most serious information from their experience.  Zimbabwe is like an open newspaper. Everyone can read and see for themselves the brutal oppression, the  abject hunger and starvation in the country.

There is nothing the media can hide from  the Zimbabweans about their reality and experience that the Zimbabweans do not know, one way or the other.

When the state media engage as they always do in publishing outright lies they are deceiving no one but themselves.

 The ministry of information is now a relic of the past. It is a decadent dinosaur that  is no longer relevant to today’s Zimbabwe. In the post- Mugabe era this ministry should be abolished or downgraded to a department of information  whose sole task is to distribute government information.  

Many of Mugabe’s ministers are also aware of the uselessness of the state media in gaining popular support for the regime..  It is reported that many  top ZANUPF officials prefer the external radio broadcasts and the independent  media. In their homes they have satellite dishes which enable them to watch anything other than the  extremely boring and repetitious ZBC/ZBH or other dull  state media.

 The state media have failed dismally to improve the image of  Mugabe and ZANUPF. On the other hand, the external broadcasts and the independent media have demonstrated a far greater influence on the Zimbabweans than anyone can imagine.  Evidence of this is the national mobilizing against Mugabe that is taking place in Zimbabwe today. 

 The independent media and external broadcasts have made Zimbabweans not only conscious of the  depth and extent of their oppression by Mugabe but they have  become more aware than ever before in their history that  they bear the primary responsibility to liberate themselves.

 And what has made the independent media and external broadcast so influential is that they have been legitimized by the masses for telling the truth about Zimbabwe. In the eyes of the Zimbabweans they are credible sources of information and inspiration.

There is practically nothing that  Mugabe’s ministry of information can do that will change people’s hatred of Mugabe. Not even jamming  external broadcasts will bring about any improvements in  Mugabe and ZANUPF’s images nationally or internationally.